The boys were reared in Winchester, a town that, while still obsessed with glorifying the Confederacy, nevertheless exemplified the trappings of New South boosterism. These two socioeconomic strains of southern life would be prominent throughout Byrd's life. He was a defender of what he perceived to be traditional southern culture, traditions, and political philosophy, yet he was also an entrepreneur, out to make money and advance the interests of his section. He left Winchester apple cold storage warehouses, an apple blossom festival, and the best road network of any city in the state.
The apple business was his first love and he never left it; he was always there at harvest time, picking apples and supervising operations. First and foremost, it was a business to him. He applied to it the principles of hard work, thrift, attention to detail, wise and timely investment and expansion, and adoption of new marketing techniques that he had embraced as a young newspaperman. But he was also a farmer, knowledgeable about his crop and its production; he was an innovative, nationally known orchardist, using the most up-to-date scientific methods of spraying and fertilizing, while introducing new varieties of apples to the area.
Early Political Career and the Beginning of the Byrd Organization
His youthful experiences shaped the adult Byrd. Individual initiative and effort were the essence of success. The creed of the self-made man was his guide; he lived it and believed others should do likewise. Undergirding this was a pay-as-you-go philosophy—avoid debt and put savings into expansion—which he used to revive his newspaper. Byrd was a nineteenth-century Jeffersonian liberal, who favored laissez-faire economic and political order in which government was small, debt-free, and decentralized, with state and local rights ensured.
Byrd married Anne Douglas Beverley in 1913. They had four children—Harry Jr., who would replace his father in the U.S. Senate; Bradshaw Beverley; Richard; and a daughter, Westwood.
Byrd's leadership of his political machine was personal and direct. He mingled with the local officeholders, relishing their Brunswick stews and talk of weather and farm prices and maintaining contact with them through his many letters and energetic campaigning at election time. He cultivated friends in the business and banking communities and among journalists to whom he catered with his news releases. Rewarding with praise, jobs, roads, and legislation, he generated a firm bond of loyalty that permitted him great freedom to select his candidates for state office and implement the policies he desired. What he created was a smooth-running political organization that for more than four decades was beholden for its direction to only one man.
Byrd's "Program of Progress," meanwhile, touted Virginia as a site for industrial and tourist development, promoting roads, airports, and historical sites with his highway markers. He supported the creation of Shenandoah National Park and the restoration of Colonial Williamsburg with money from John D. Rockefeller Jr.
Angered by two recent lynchings in the state and influenced by the editorials of Norfolk Virginian-Pilot editor Louis Isaac Jaffé, Byrd, who had no use for the Ku Klux Klan, pressed the assembly to pass one of the toughest antilynching laws in the country. The assembly, however, also passed a law to segregate public assemblies in Virginia, but without his signature. Byrd was not a racial demagogue like many other southern politicians, but he would play the race card to his advantage when the machine was in a tight election contest.
Byrd's governorship reflected what historian George Tindall has called the business progressivism of the 1920s in the South—no fundamental changes in the role of government, but a tinkering in the realm of economy and efficiency. Consistent with Byrd's philosophy there was much road-building and encouragement of industrial development and tourism, but little was done for education, agriculture, or the structure of county government, which was wallowing in the abusive fee system by which local officials were paid. It is fair to say, however, that Byrd was much more of a governmental activist as governor than he was later in his Senate career.
Byrd's Senate record for his entire career was remarkably negative. No significant legislation bears his name. He voted against aid to education, public housing, antipoverty programs, and minimum-wage increases. He compiled an antilabor record, voting against the Wagner Act but favoring the Smith-Connally and Taft-Hartley bills that restricted union power and activity. Reflecting his love of the outdoors, however, he supported conservation projects and the National Park Service in whose parks he frequently vacationed.
By the 1950s, Byrd had assumed the role of an elder statesman. He had a national reputation for economy in government and was respected for his courage, integrity, and courtliness. As chairman of the influential Senate Finance Committee he shaped tax and social legislation to suit his conservative sentiments, but as the country elected more liberal senators and presidents, he lost much of his political clout. His efforts to obstruct the election of Democratic presidential candidates with a "golden silence" that implied support for Republicans had little effect on the results.
Economic and social changes brought on by World War II and Supreme Court decisions, however, challenged his leadership in Virginia. New residents, anti-Byrd Organization candidates, African Americans, and Republicans were criticizing his failure to confront contemporary issues, calling for an end to the poll tax and more money for education. Faced with the Supreme Court's 1954 school desegregation decision (Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas), Byrd pushed the state down the road of "massive resistance" and school closings—an embarrassing chapter with which to close a long career of dedicated public service.
Final Years and Legacy
The legacy of his forty-year rule in Virginia was mixed. During his governorship he provided the state with debt-free government that built good roads and stimulated economic development. But as rapid changes engulfed Virginia, Byrd was unable to adapt. Pay-as-you-go led to crowded colleges, inadequate mental hospitals, and neglected social services; Massive Resistance produced racial intolerance, bitterness, and, in the case of Prince Edward County, schoolchildren who were denied education for five years, a lost generation. Commenting on Byrd's leadership, political scientist V. O. Key stated, "Men with the minds of tradesmen do not become statesmen."
June 10, 1887 - Harry F. Byrd is born in Martinsburg, West Virginia.
1912 - Harry F. Byrd begins leasing his first apple orchards, the beginning of a business that would later make him a millionaire.
1913 - Harry F. Byrd marries Anne Douglas Beverley.
1915 - Harry F. Byrd Sr. is elected to the Senate of Virginia.
1922 - Harry F. Byrd Sr. becomes state chairman of the Democratic Central Committee.
February 1, 1926 - Harry F. Byrd Sr. begins his term as governor of Virginia.
1930 - Harry F. Byrd Sr. technically retires, though he continues to remain active in politics for the rest of his life.
1932 - Harry F. Byrd Sr. unsuccessfully campaigns for the Democratic presidential nomination.
1933 - Harry F. Byrd Sr. comes out of political hiatus to replace Claude A. Swanson in the U.S. Senate.
1944 - Harry F. Byrd Sr. runs a protest campaign against President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
1956 - Harry F. Byrd Sr. pushes for the school-closing laws that lead to the closing of schools ordered to integrate.
February 25, 1956 - U.S. senator Harry F. Byrd calls for a strategy of "Massive Resistance" to oppose the integration of public schools in Virginia.
March 1956 - U.S. senator Harry F. Byrd helps to author the "Southern Manifesto," which calls for opposition to the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision.
1960 - Harry F. Byrd Sr. receives fifteen electoral votes from Southern Democrats dissatisfied with John F. Kennedy's nomination.
1965 - Harry F. Byrd Sr. retires from the U.S. Senate.
October 20, 1966 - Harry F. Byrd Sr. dies.
1976 - A statue of Harry F. Byrd Sr. is erected in Capitol Square in Richmond.
Cite This EntryAPA Citation:
First published: February 12, 2008 | Last modified: August 30, 2017